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Yet at first glance, advocates on both sides of the political aisle may say, "but we do support innovation,Prada Bags Outlet Sale!" And to a very small degree everyone does (unless you're a Luddite), but that support is shallow. In fact, when push comes to shove, most advocates in the climate and energy space give nothing but lip service to supporting innovation. By default, other policy choices take a much higher priority and it clearly shows in our policy discourse. This needs to change. Innovation must receive greater emphasis in the debate; less the "coming clean energy crisis" that University of California, San Diego Professor David Victor warns of will come true.

Many advocates and policymakers also fail to recognize the vital, but limited role government plays in spurring breakthrough technology development and deployment, shown most clearly in the recent Solyndra-Loan Guarantee Program debate. On the right, many members actually support government loan guarantees. For instance, Rep. Barton (R-TX) stated so directly during a recent House Energy and Commerce Committee hearing and many members support guarantees for their own state's clean energy projects. But that support is fleeting as many on the right also negatively equate government support for innovative clean technologies as "picking winners and losers." Yet government can support clean technologies without actually making micro-economic decisions. Supporting a portfolio of innovative technologies through R&D and valleys-of-death investments (like loan guarantees) isn't picking winners and losers; it's ensuring that winners can exist at all. Innovation policy doesn't choose national champions, but makes targeted, high-risk investment bets the private sector is not willing to make that could help propel an entire new industry. Sometimes those investments fail as any venture capitalist would tell you. So defaulting to old scare-tactics about the heavy-hand of government does nothing but stifle U.S. innovation and competitiveness at a time when we need much more of it to boost economic growth.

So it's time for a recalibration that makes innovation the driving goal of our default energy and climate policy choices. In doing so, the policy debate would become a more cohesive discussion on what correct, targeted long-term public investments should be made;
whether our deployment policies are correctly aligned with our technology development policies,Prada Outlet, and whether there is synergy among our energy policies that creates a competitive U.S. energy market without long-term policy support. To be clear, this is not saying R&D is the only policy needed. Making innovation the default choice ensures that our suite of policy choices - from basic science through market creation - are correctly working together and are receiving the right amount of support to boost innovation, thus affordable clean technologies and economic growth. But doing do isn't straightforward.

And part of the problem here is a misconception about the readiness of clean technologies. The mantra for many on the left is that the United States has all the clean technologies it needs. Within this framing innovation isn't necessarily a high priority and all that's necessary is to push those technologies to market through deployment or leveling the playing field through carbon pricing. But the fact is we simply don't have the technologies we need and further basic research and RD&D is needed to get us the affordable, high-performance technologies necessary to allow us to meet our energy challenges in the coming decades. This reality is echoed by industry titans like Bill Gates, John Doerr and Ursula Burns. It's understood by clean energy leaders like Arun Majumdar and DOE Secretary Chu. And detailed analyses by organizations have explicitly discussed the need for significant technology development to reach deep emission reductions.

And for many more on the right they believe that even if we need clean technologies, the market alone will get us to where we need to be. As Thomas Friedman and Michael Mandelbaum put it in their new book That Used to Be Us, "[many on the right] assert that the key to our economic future is to close our eyes and click our heels three times," and miraculously the market creates innovation and economic growth. But what they're missing is the history of American technology development. According to University of California, Davis Professor Fred Block and Southern Methodist University Professor Matthew Keller, the United States has traditionally used a "hidden developmental state" to develop innovative new technologies. In other words, the in technology policy with the private sector, but policymakers never openly advertised it for ideological reasons. America's energy challenges - and the short time scale allotted to solve them - require this hidden development state to be reinvigorated with significant public investments and reform. The market cannot do large, complex, breakthrough technology development on its own and it never really has,Prada Bags.

Another key example is many climate advocates rigid, myopic focus on putting a price on carbon. As my colleague Matt Hourihan , you cannot fully solve our energy challenges without a clean energy portfolio approach that includes affordable, breakthrough technologies, yet you don't get breakthrough technologies from a price on carbon. Yet that hasn't stopped climate advocates from continuing to put carbon pricing policies front-and-center. Thomas Friedman continues to espouse the need for a carbon price, even though he admits breakthrough technologies are needed (he just doesn't understand how to spur innovation). The Environmental Defense Fund - a key national climate policy advocate - continues to argue that until we set a carbon price or carbon cap. And national environmental policy leaders like Daniel Esty think all that's needed to move the country towards a green economy is a carbon tax. Not only would implementing a (h/t Tyler Cowen), emphasizing a carbon price alone only hurts addressing our energy challenges by swaying the energy policy debate away from actual methods of spurring affordable energy innovations.

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The Study - commissioned and funded by the U.S. Department of Transportation's Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration (PHMSA) - analyzed several leak detection systems. What the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) is to airlines, for example, PHMSA is to the pipeline industry.

“We called them up and asked them. One primary reason is there’s no systematic guideline for leak detection system deployment. So one of our macro-recommendations (in the study) was to develop standards and certifications for leak detection systems.”

Often times they're found – not by the owners and operators of the pipelines – but by complaining landowners who live where the pipeline crosses.

"[This initiative] includes an evaluation of fibre optic and odour sensing cables to ensure the technology actually performs as vendors claim," said White.

"These systems aren't as effective as many pipeline operators suggest," said Swift.

Of course, that has brought more public scrutiny to the industry than ever before—making it a high-stakes report for the industry. Surprisingly, the mainstream media has almost completely ignored the 269-page draft report, which was released in late September.

The draft report is available here: . The public and industry had eight weeks to comment on it. Those comments will now be worked into the final PHMSA report that goes to Congress.

How are leaks detected on today's oil and gas pipelines?

By. Keith Schaefer, Publisher, the Oil and Gas Investments Bulletin

“Very often pipeline operators haven’t known they have a leak until they get a phone call from somebody saying there’s oil in my field,” Dr,Prada Outlet. Shaw said in a recent interview with the Oil and Gas Investments Bulletin.

Given the volume of public property damage, the report comments that pipeline companies would be “probably justified” in spending $490,000 a year for every 400 miles of pipeline.

Both the US and Canada need thousands of miles of new pipelines to get their fast growing supply of oil to market. This could be a big first step in winning over public opinion with billions of tax dollars and profits on the line.

Industry groups such as the American Petroleum Institute (API) and the Association of Oil Pipe Lines (AOPL) said that the report is flawed.

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The challenge for the industry is to either take the lead, increase their leak detection budgets and adopt new technology, or allow government or regulate them into action. Of course that would make for great public relations!

Anthony Swift, an attorney with the Natural Resources Defense Council, said that the report's findings show that industry talk on leak detection systems doesn't match the realities of the situation.

&ldquo,Prada Bags Outlet Sale;It’s not sensitive or modern, but that’s where the majority of pipeline leak detection is,” he says. “We rely on controllers to identify something big happening on their instruments. It’s not particularly high-tech. They’re (the pipeline industry) trying to avoid these technologies. The question is why?”

He is hopeful that the report will lead to better improvements in leak detection engineering and public transparency.

"A critical reader is left unable to make any accurate assessment on the technical, operational or economic feasibility of LDS (Leak Detection Systems-ed)."

In conclusion, leak detection technology around pipelines is not modern, scientific or technical. In today’s age, that will just not fly politically.

It’s true, says Dr. David Shaw, one of the authors of a draft “Leak Detection Study” prepared for the U.S. Department of Transportation, for a report that will go to the US Congress early in 2013.

He added: “They (the industry) are particularly worried of regulations that will force them to have specific leak detection procedures.”

Natural gas pipelines will also get discussed in the report to Congress, though most of it will be on liquids pipelines.